Here again, there is little by way of consensus. We first discuss two critical episodes during which Suriname experimented with nation-building—the late 1950s and the early 1980s—followed by an examination of nation-branding policies in the 21st century. There are six different Maroon populations, of which the Saamaka and Ndyuka (or Okanisi) are the largest. In this lesson we start by understanding the challenges faced by the nation after independence. 8. The Emanuels government supported this aspiration and, for example, included a stanza in Sranan Tongo, written by the well-known poet Trefossa in the national anthem.37 It thus supported cultural nationalism and at the same time weakened its commitment to overcoming ethnic difference. Election related disputes should be addressed in the courts –be they electoral courts or ultimately in judicial courts –and not through violence. However, as the experience of countries like France, Italy, or the United States demonstrates, national identities can also be based on creeds or ideologies. Consequently, Afro-Surinamese nationalism led to rising animosity between ethnic groups, as Hindostani and Javanese suspected the Creole nationalist ambitions and Creole elites feared to lose their prominent position in society to the increasingly assertive and growing Hindostani middle class.41 Not surprising, independence became a focal point of these antagonisms, and in the late 1960s fraternization policy and the grand coalitions gave way to an Afro-Surinamese-dominated government headed by NPS leader Henck Arron.42 Much to the dismay of Hindostani and Javanese voters and politicians, this government paved the way for independence, alienating large segments of the population in the process. India is a secular country where people speak different languages and follow different cultures and religions to be recognised as a nation of unity in diversity with common faith and beliefs. For anybody looking at these two countries today, the difference is clear. While large British colonies like India and the Sudan had a single administrative system, Nigeria had two, one for the North and one for the South. (a)        Institutions for fostering public integrity.
Political and administrative machinery failed on both sides. 52 Roger Janssen, In Search of a Path: An Analysis of the Foreign Policy of Suriname from 1975 to 1991 (Leiden, The Netherlands: KITLV Press, 2011).

Though such policies may not have any tangible effects in the short run, the historical experience of countries like France demonstrates that their long-term effects should not be underestimated. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs provided a different message in 2015, an election year, when it proudly presented a new branding campaign, We Are Suriname (or #WEARESURINAME), interestingly without consulting or informing the Tourism Foundation. Importantly, the military vowed to bring an end to the “old politics” based on ethnicity, instead signaling its intention to defend the national interests of Suriname and to represent all Surinamese of different ethnic backgrounds. The campaign was part of the calendar of events celebrating Suriname’s 40th anniversary of independence, because it was supposed to climax on independence day. (b)       Institutions for public service delivery. Moreover, nation branding opportunities are also restricted when a country does not have a special appeal to foreign investors or tourists.
Nation-building policies of that kind commonly focus on education as the key mechanism, to make sure that a new generation speaks the same language, has a similar conception of the national history, and has a shared reverence for national heroes and cultural icons. Secondly, it is also about building institutions which symbolize the political entity – institutions such as a bureaucracy, an economy, the judiciary, universities, a civil service, and civil society organizations. After initial resistance, in September 1948, Hyderabad was merged with Indian Union, by a military operation. At present, the Javanese constitute close to 14% of the population. 114–115; 120–124; Sue Curry Jansen, “Redesigning a Nation: Welcome to Estonia, 2001–2018,” in Branding Post-Communist Nations: Marketizing National Identities in the “New” Europe, edited by Nadia Kaneva (New York: Routledge, 2012), 79–98. These were as follows : 1. A third and final area of constitutional challenge which I want to share with you is about the principles for sharing power at the different levels of government. In their pursuit of nation-building, political elites can explore a variety of strategies. The last sentence is inclusive: “My Suriname, your Suriname, our Suriname makes that we are Suriname.” The second rap is in Dutch, English, and Sranan Tongo. We zoom in on three episodes of nation-building and nation branding in the country and explain why and in what respects they succeeded or failed. While some are satisfied with the current 36 states, others are calling for more states for their own groups. Trajectories of Nationalism, National Identity Formation and Crisis in a Postcolonial State (Bern, Switzerland: Peter Lang, 2009). Maroons are Afro-Surinamese who escaped from slavery and formed autonomous settlements in the interior. The question of how to reconcile an inclusive Surinamese identity with exclusive ethnic identities has dominated Suriname’s nation-building efforts. Capitalist exploitation of plantations and natural resources and (forced) labor migration determined the colonial hierarchy and consequently the development of ethnic relations. If Nigerians are beginning to realise the futility of shedding blood in elections disputes, this owes much to our judiciary, which has provided reasoned judgment on several cases. Instead of resorting to the divisive politics of indigene against settler as a means of accessing resources, a generalized commitment to social citizenship will create a civic structure of rights that will unite people around shared rights and goals. Fraternization politics was clearly linked to the political emancipation of the urban dark-skinned Creole, Hindostani, and Javanese masses. 10. On the international stage, coup leader Desiré Delano (Desi) Bouterse proclaimed his intention to decrease Suriname’s dependence on The Netherlands, seeking instead to forge new political alliances in the region and beyond, including Cuba, Libya, and Ghana.52 The domestic and international reputation of Bouterse’s regime was, however, shattered by the so-called December Murders of 1982, when 15 prominent opponents of the regime were tortured and executed. The first speech of the first Prime Minister of India, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru at the hour of midnight on 14-15 August 1947 was known as famous “tryst with destiny” speech while addressing a special session of the Constituent Assembly. Nation-building never stops and true nation-builder never rest because all nations are constantly facing up to new challenges. 15 Kaneva, “Nation Branding in Post-Communist Europe.” 5. Relations with The Netherlands were restored and the economy improved, meaning that since the late 1990s opportunities for nation-building and nation branding were decidedly better. Whether nations are able to manage their political and social disputes peacefully, without lapsing into conflict, or sustain economic growth without creating huge inequalities, critically depend on the quality of the relevant national institutions. 12 Nadia Kaneva, “Nation Branding: Toward an Agenda of Critical Research,” International Journal of Communication 5 (2011): 117–41. Though perhaps not ideal from a democratic perspective, the absence of a powerful opposition in these countries clearly enabled political parties and their leaders to formulate and implement effective nation-building policies. No nation can exist in isolation and nation-building must take account of the international context of the country in question.

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